Bloggfęrslur mįnašarins, mars 2010

SNŚUM VÖRN Ķ SÓKN, REKTORAR VINNA SAMAN STÓRKOSTLEGT, STYŠJUM ŽĮ TIL DĮŠA.

 
Snśum vörn ķ sókn, menntasetriš Island getur oršiš eitt okkar stęrsta   atvinnutękifęri, ef viš beinum kröftunum ķ žaš.
Mennt er mįttur, aš skera nišur fjįrmagn ķ menntun žjóšar er aš skera nišur framtķš.   
Žaš getur ekki talist góš lękning ef mešölin sem drepa veiruna sem valda sjśkdóminum drepa sömuleišs sjśklinginn.
      
Žaš veršur aš snśa žessari óheillažróun viš.  Skošum hvar veršmętin liggja berum viršingu fyrir žeim og vinnum śr žeim,  förum betur meš. Nżtum žaš sem fyrir er og byggjum śt frį žeim auši sem ķ menntakerfinu liggur nś žegar.
Meš nišurskuršarašferšinni er veriš aš brjóta nišur žaš sem byggt hefur veriš upp og veikja framtķšarmöguleika žjóšarinnar til žess aš standast samkeppni į vinnumarkaši viš ašrar vestręnar žjóšir, og auka enn į fólksflóttan śr landi.
Barnafólk mun sömuleišis flżja til žess aš bśa börnum sķnum öruggari framtķš.
Ef viš missum nįmsmenn śr landi žį er hęttan į aš megin žorri žeirra snśi ekki aftur žar sem į žessu tķmabili skapast oft sterkustu lķfstķšartengslin og ef žau eru ekki hér žį slitna mikil og sterk tengsl viš landiš.
Vinnum okkur frį žessu įstandi sem žjóšin finnur sig ķ ķ dag. Viš veršum aš greiša götu allra sem huga į nįm og aušvelda žeim leišina.  Leggjum allan kraft ķ kennslu į ÖLLUM svišum.
Stöndum öll saman meš menntakerfinu, saman meš rektorum skólanna og kennurum, og beinum öllum kröftum ķ aš byggja upp Ķsland menntamišstöš sem śtflutnings atvinnugrein. Meš uppbyggingu menntasetra um land allt sem laša munu til okkar erlenda nemendur og  sömuleišis mun óhjįkvęmilega fjöldi afleišandi atvinnugreina spretta upp.  
Ķsland lašar lašar fólk aš, einangrunin, feguršin og hugsanlega fagmennskan, ef viš nįum aš geta bošiš uppį hana. Mennta- og hįskólar erlendis eru fokdżrir og hugsanlega gętum viš bošiš uppį betri verš. Fókusa į fög sem henta viš okkar ašstęšur hér og verša frįbęr ķ žeim greinum.
  
Bandarķkin gera śt į menntun og žau styšja sérlega viš bakiš į framśrskarandi nįmsmönnum hvašan sem žeir koma til žess aš žeir ķlendast ķ landinu og safna žannig kunnįttu inn ķ žjóšfélagiš. 
Įstralķa gerir śt į menntun fyrir Asķubśa og er žaš stór hluti af žeirra žjóšar innkomu.
Ķsland bżr enn viš žann oršstķr aš žjóšin sé menntuš og bśi yfir kröftugu menntakerfi.   Sögužjóšin Ķsland, menningarlandiš Ķsland, fagra landiš Ķsland. Žessi oršstķr er viškvęmur og hann skerst sömuleišis nišur samfara öšrum nišurskurši ķ menntageiranum.   Nišurskuršur sem kostar okkur undirstöšu framtķšar landsins getur ekki veriš rétt leiš.
Heilbrigšis- og menntamįl eru undirstöšugreinar velferšar žjóšfélags, hvorug žessara greina mį fara inn ķ nišurskuršarašferšina, veršum aš draga heilbrigšisgeirann upp aftur og byggja hann sömuleišis upp sem śtflutningsgrein, žar liggja óteljandi tękifęri.

mbl.is Rektorar lżsa yfir įhyggjum
Tilkynna um óvišeigandi tengingu viš frétt

Skuldafrysting - Debt Moratorium - Er žetta ekki okkar besta og réttlįtasta leiš til lausnar śr įnauš.

DEBT MORATORIUM  (śrdrįttur śr grein Websters Tarpey)

Here are some essential components of a program to defend the general welfare of Iceland:

Iceland should officially and formally declare a comprehensive, open-ended debt moratorium. This should involve the immediate, unilateral, and unconditional suspension of all payments of principal and interest to the Anglo-Dutch, until further notice. Any future payments can only be the result of international treaty measures negotiated by the self-styled creditors with the government of Iceland as a sovereign state and ratified by the Althing .or by referendum. The debt moratorium has routinely been declared by national states in regard to sovereign debts which they had officially contracted. In these cases, international negotiations regarding the suspension of debt moratorium have focused on debt rescheduling, interest rates, conditions of payment, and related issues. In the case of Iceland, however, the overarching question is that of the legitimacy and legality of the alleged Anglo-Dutch financial debt in the first place. The procedure of transforming private debts of Icelandic corporations into public obligations of the Icelandic government through the decree of foreign states which act as the favored clients of supernational institutions is prima facie illegal. In other words, it is extremely doubtful that Iceland owes the United Kingdom and the Netherlands anything at all.

If Iceland declares a debt moratorium, the country will simply be following the path of a large number of countries during recent decades. Here is a list, which makes no claim to being exhaustive, of some 27 countries which have, from the point of view of the international bankers, defaulted between 1980 and 2004 - more than one default per year, suggesting that, under conditions of globalization, debt default represents a normal and physiological process reflecting the deep flaws and contradictions of the emerging world globalized casino and hot money economy. It will be noted that this list includes large countries and small countries, European countries and Third World countries, countries with extensive oil and other natural resources and countries not so endowed, left-wing countries, right wing countries, Moslem countries, Catholic countries, secular states, democracies, dictatorships, and even one nuclear superpower, the Russian Federation. There is no conceivable opprobrium or moral taint in joining this long list. The list includes Albania, Algeria, Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Bulgaria, Chile, Costa Rica. Dominican Republic, Ecuador, Jordan, Mexico, Moldova, Morocco, Nigeria, Pakistan, Panama, Peru, the Philippines, Poland, Romania, Russian Federation, South Africa, Turkey, Ukraine, Uruguay, and Venezuela. If one country defaults, we can focus on the incompetence of politicians and on the embezzlement carried out by individual Enrons or Madoffs. But when 27 countries default, we need to look at the defects of an entire world system and therefore at the remedies which sovereign states can employ in their quest for economic self-defense and for the exercise of their inherent right to economic development.

 Panitchpakdi told the meeting:. "In the current global crisis situation, both debtor and creditor countries would probably be better served if scarcer foreign exchange earnings in the debtor economies were used for the purchase of imports rather than for debt servicing," But debt moratoria need to be permanent until negotiated agreement is reached, so as to avoid the insufficiencies of the Hoover Moratorium of 1931-32 (declared by US President Herbert Hoover on post-World War I reparations and war debts). The Hoover Moratorium had real promise as an idea, but it proved too short-lived to stop the German and British defaults of 1931, and ended in chaos.

This is not the place to attempt even a cursory overview of recent debt moratorium measures enacted by the various nations of the world. Some of the largest and most important of these have been Mexico in 1982, Brazil in 1987, and Argentina in December 2001. Debt moratoria sometimes involve attempted measures of coercion in retaliation against the country in question by international lenders and international financial institutions, particularly the International Monetary Fund. Countries exercising the sovereign right to debt moratorium have been sanctioned with lending freezes, exorbitant interest rates, and even the attempted overthrow their governments by means of subversion fomented from abroad. Government officials everywhere should by now be familiar with John Perkins' Confessions of an Economic Hit Man (San Francisco: Berrett-Koehler, 2004), which provides a typology of the methods used by international bankers. Nevertheless, it seems clear that the ability of nation states to harvest the beneficial effects of debt moratorium depends on the political skills of their leaders and the willingness of those leaders to mobilize mass support.

The most recent Argentine debt moratorium was declared in December 2001 during the short-lived administration of President Rodriguez Saa, in a time of grave political instability. It was therefore a real achievement that a democratic form of government was preserved. The Argentine debt moratorium was largely administered by the government of President Nestor Kirchner, who was able to negotiate a write-down of two thirds of Argentina's foreign debt by about 75%, meaning that the foreign debt existing at the beginning of the crisis was reduced by about one half. Argentina unquestionably faced serious domestic economic dislocations during the time that the debt moratorium was in force. However, it would appear that many of these could have been ameliorated and mitigated by the development of a more adequate social safety net, something which Iceland should be able to accomplish without excessive difficulty.

There is also always the possibility that a determined stand by a single country might precipitate the formation of an international movement of states or debtors' cartel in which economically disadvantaged states (the vast majority) would join together for a kind of collective bargaining to secure better conditions from the creditors, who already enjoy cartel arrangements of their own through the London Club and the Paris Club. We should also recall that the world is far less unipolar today than it was in 2001, thanks to the emergence of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and related tendencies. The difficulties experienced by the United States and the British in attempting to impose economic sanctions against what they define as recalcitrant nations suggest that countries invoking their right to debt moratorium would not today experience the same pariah status which some have undergone in the recent past.

In short, there is substantial reason to believe that a debt moratorium could be instrumental in obtaining significant improvements in the economic and political situation faced by Iceland. For any country of the modern world to recover from economic depression, it is always necessary to remove the burden of fictitious capital generated during the bubble, which generally assumes the form of speculative claims on income from agriculture and industry. On a world scale, this would take the form either of outright bans on derivatives and similar toxic instruments, or else of measures designed to neutralize the derivatives problem through taxation, as in the form of the Tobin tax. In the case of Iceland, the eradication of the overhang of fictitious capital necessitates the permanent freezing of interest and principal on the illegitimate Anglo Dutch debt with a view to its radical write- down or its outright elimination.

Gullkistan Ķsland

Oft heyrir mašur aš žaš sé ekkert aš gerast ķ atvinnumįlum ķ landinu, en žaš er fjarri sanni en Žaš er lķtiš sem ekkert gert ķ žvķ aš kynna almenningi ķ landinu fyrir žeim stórkostlegu tękifęrum sem nś žegar eru ķ gangi, og mörg ef ekki flest ķ erfišum mįlum žar sem ašhlynning viš atvinnuvegina er ekki skipulögš og žessvegna komast žau ekki til leggs.

Ég fór į fund hjį Framtķšarlandinu ķ fyrra og “trśši varla mķnum eigin eyrum yfir öllu žvķ sem er ķ gangi ķ landinu og fęstir vita um og mun ef vel er į haldiš fęra landinu stórkostlegar śtflutningstekjur. 

Nśna er bśiš aš samžykkja ķ borgarstjórn Reykjavķkur aš byggja upp ELDFJALLAGARŠANA į Reykjarnesi,  bara žaš verkefni - ef fagmannlega veršur aš stašiš og tękifęrin nżtt mun geta skilaš žjóšinni margföldum hreinum tekjum į viš öll įlverin samanlagt. Žetta žyrfti aš kynna ķ sjónvarpi, en žaš er ekki gert.  Eldfjallagaršar hvaš? Nįttśrfręšingar og fuglaskošarar?

Aldeilis ekki...ęvintżri į ęvintżri ofan, fyrir alla, börn og fulloršna. Ég krossa mig hér meš uppį aš žetta er mķn einlęg skošun og er byggš į samanburšarupplżsingum sem og reynsluheimi feršamįlapakkans.

Ķsland er gull sem žarf aš hlśa aš og nostra viš.

Orkan sem viš enn eigum veršur aš nżtast ķ greinar sem viš getum veriš stolt af, lķfręn ręktun gręnmetis til eigin nota sem og til śtflutnings.

Gera śt į menntakerfiš, gera skóla fyrir fólk sem vill lęra og skoša heiminn samhliša, fólk sem vill komast ķ nżtt verndaš umhverfi einhverra hluta vegna.

Gera śt į heilbrigšiskerfiš, bęta žaš en ekki skera nišur. Smįašgeršir sem er į bišlista um alla Evrópu eiga vel heima hjį okkur. Fullt af fólki vill fara ķ smį lżtaašgeršir og vill til žess vera ķ skjóli frį vinum og kunningjum. Tilvališ - viš myndum fį lęknana okkar heim aftur, og fallegu hjśkkurnar lķka.

Endalaus listi, hvaš er skrifaš į žinn?


Hįrrétt athugasemd hjį Jonas Gahr Störe - okkar er įbyrgšin

Jonas Gahr Störe segir aš viš höfum kosiš óįbyrgar stjórnir sķšan 1991.
Žaš liggur ljóst fyrir aš į mešan viš kjósum yfir okkur įbyrgšalausa pólitķkusa hvar ķ flokki sem er, į mešan viš gerum ekki sišferšislegar kröfur til rįšamanna žjóšarinnar, į mešan sjįlfsagt er aš kosningaloforš séu ekki til žess aš vinna eftir heldur fariš meš eins og jólaskraut, ž.e. sett ķ lokašan kassa į milli kosninga žį mun ekkert breytast į Ķslandi. 
Ef vķglsa žingmanna til starfa veršur hluti af af mannorši viškomandi žingmanns ķ  opinberari athöfn en tķškast hefur fram aš žessu, žar sem loforš og vinnubrögš verša ķ hįvegum höfš og velferš allrar žjóšarinnar höfš aš leišarljósi eigum viš von.
Žegar žingmenn segja af sér ef  gerist žeir brotlegir og/eša ašgeršir žeirra brjóta ķ bįga viš almennt sišgęši eigum viš von.
Margir vondir menn verša aušugir, og margir góšir menn verša fįtękir, en vér munum ekki skipta śt sjįlfsviršingu vorri fyrir rķkidęmi žeirra. Aušurinn skiptir oft um hendur, en sjįlfsviršingin er įvallt til stašar.   “'Solon“'
Hvaš varš um okkar sjįlfsviršingu? 
Viš kjósum., vitandi,  fólk til stjórnar landinu okkar sem ber enga įst eša viršingu fyrir žegnum žess og/eša nįttśru landsins eša hverju öšru sem stendur ķ vegi fyrir skjótfengnum gróša.  Žetta er tįkn um sjįlfsvanviršingu į hęsta stigi. 

Skynsemi er hvorki hęgri eša vinstri

Konur eru alls ekki nišurlęgšar meš žvķ aš setja lagarįkvęši um jafnvęgi kvenna og karla ķ stjórnunarstöšur, hugsanlega er žaš einmitt öfugt, žaš žarf žvķ mišur aš setja lög til aš hiš sjįlfsagša gangi fram.
Rįšningar ķ stjórnunarstörf fara žvķ mišur ķ flestum tilfellum ekki eftir hęfni, heldur rįšast aš miklu leyti af vinskap og öšrum tengslum, sama fótboltališ o.s.frv. 
Žessar rįšningar eru  trślega ekki einu sinni mešvitašar sem “klķkurįšningar,  en mįliš er aš vinir rįša vini ķ vinnu, karlmenn sem eru ķ meirihluta ķ stjórnunarstöšum rįša skólabręšur og vini, oftar en ekki eru umsóknir kvenna ekki einu sinni lesnar, žannig aš hęfni til starfs er ekki hafšur sem grundvöllur rįšningar. 
Sé rįšiš eftir hęfni ķ stjórnunarstöšur fyrirtękja er tališ aš jafnvęgi ķ tölu kvenna og karla ķ stjórn skili bestum įrangri.  Besta stjórnin kemur frį sameinušum krafti beggja kynja, sem er mjög įnęgjulegt nišurstaša rannsókna Noršmanna į žessu viškvęma mįli.
Uppį einsdęmi setti fyrrverandi rįšherra ķ Norgegi setti lög um 50/50 hlutfall kvenna og karla ķ stjórnir stórra fyrirtękja og voru margir į móti žvķ, en viti menn, ÖLL žau fyrirtęki,  viljug sem og žvinguš  til žess aš fara eftir žessum lögum skila mun betri įrangri eftir aš jafnvęgi varš į milli kynja ķ stjórnum. Mismunandi ašferšir og sżn bętir hvort annaš upp, ešlilegt og frįbęrt, žangaš veršum viš aš fara, žó svo aš žaš verši aš styšja viš žį framžróun meš lögum.

Innskrįning

Ath. Vinsamlegast kveikiš į Javascript til aš hefja innskrįningu.

Hafšu samband